This episode, making a return to Hearts of Oak is the veteran Irish journalist, playwright, author, campaigner and political activist, John Waters.We have all seen the pictures coming from 'The Emerald Isle' of the protests against uncontrolled immigration. These demonstrations are very similar to what has been happening in the UK and John joins us to discuss the impact that mass immigration is having on Ireland. The damage to community cohesion and the blatant disregard for what is best for...
This episode, making a return to Hearts of Oak is the veteran Irish journalist, playwright, author, campaigner and political activist, John Waters.
We have all seen the pictures coming from 'The Emerald Isle' of the protests against uncontrolled immigration.
These demonstrations are very similar to what has been happening in the UK and John joins us to discuss the impact that mass immigration is having on Ireland.
The damage to community cohesion and the blatant disregard for what is best for the citizens of Ireland is producing a pressure cooker atmosphere, those who raise concerns are branded as racists, bigots and being far right.
Loving ones country is no longer accepted or tolerated by our politicians and media, have the government overplayed their hand and can the people of Ireland reclaim their country?
Join us for John's expert analysis on this situation.
John Waters is an Irish Thinker, Talker, and Writer. From the life of the spirit of society to the infinite reach of rock ‘n’ roll; from the puzzle of the human ‘I’ to the true nature of money; from the attempted murder of fatherhood to the slow death of the novel, he speaks and writes about the meaning of life in the modern world.
He began part-time work as a journalist in 1981, with Hot Press, Ireland’s leading rock ‘n’ roll magazine and went full-time in 1984, when he moved from the Wild West to the capital, Dublin. As a journalist, magazine editor and columnist, he specialised from the start in raising unpopular issues of public importance, including the psychic cost of colonialism and the denial of rights to fathers under what is called family 'law'. He was a columnist with The Irish Times for 24 years when being Ireland's premier newspaper still meant something. He left in 2014 when this had come to mean diddly-squat, and drew the blinds fully on Irish journalism a year later.
Since then, his articles have appeared in publications such as First Things, frontpagemag.com, The Spectator, and The Spectator USA. He has published ten books, the latest, Give Us Back the Bad Roads (2018), being a reflection on the cultural disintegration of Ireland since 1990, in the form of a letter to his late father.
Connect with and support John...
SUBSTACK: https://johnwaters.substack.com/
WEBSITE: https://anti-corruptionireland.com/
Interview recorded 20.2.23
*Special thanks to Bosch Fawstin for recording our intro/outro on this podcast.
Check out his art https://theboschfawstinstore.blogspot.com/ and follow him on GETTR https://gettr.com/user/BoschFawstin
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https://heartsofoak.org/connect/
[0:22] John Waters, it is wonderful to have you with us and thank you for joining us once again.
It's a pleasure to be on with you again, Peter. Thank you very much.
Not at all. It's been, goodness, two years. I look back and it's January 2021, so please, accept my apologies for not having you on. More often we will do. And for the viewers and listeners, you can follow John on his substack, johnwaters.substack.com. I get it into my inbox and it will give you John's perspective and thoughts on a whole range of events.
So, I do encourage you to go sign up for that and you can even sign up for the paid version, if you so wish and support John in that way.
John, you're probably looking at the substack and I was reading through it today looking at your description.
I noticed that you call yourself an Irish thinker, writer, and as Irish thinker, talker, and writer. That's the one.
[1:23]I would have just put you on as a journalist, but that word is connotations.
But yet you're the first guest I've ever had on who defines himself by being a thinker and a talker.
Yeah, yeah. Well, exactly. You've put your finger on there.
I use, I come up with, try and come up with words of self-description that are not journalists, even though as a child I couldn't, the idea of being a journalist and having that name appended, that word appended to my name was like beyond a dream, you know, and now you know just connotations of just lying and scumry and just speaking on behalf of the power, attacking the vulnerable, you know, and so on and so on and so on. So yeah, it's really just an alternative to being regarded as describing myself really as a lying scum-bag, which you know, actually, I will try a little harder and I must come up with some more words for that because I think I'm going to need them for a little longer.
[2:14] I think I could say this, someone born on the island of Ireland, born in the north and live in the south, it's so Irish. People think of the Irish as talkers, as thinkers.
So it kind of fits into that little stereotype.
It does, yeah.
It's a little bit pretentious, I have to say, a little bit affected, but it needs most.
I kind of toy with the idea of reporter, but it doesn't really get me.
I am, but it's a particular kind of writing, I guess. So journalist is a word, which, as I say, once treasured and hopeful, I hope will be treasured once again in our culture and our civilization. But at the moment it's the, it's the byword of a scumbag, you know?
[2:58] Well, one issue that journalists have been silent on, we could have a range of issues, but the one we'll look at today is immigration and what's been happening in Ireland. Looking at it from over here on the mainland, as I would have called GB when I was back living in Ireland, Northern Ireland. But it seems to be an immigration level that's much higher than we've seen before. And the Irish have traditionally been a people of hospitality, of generosity, of open arms. But do you want to just give us your thoughts, your assessment on what exactly has been happening regarding immigration at the moment?
[3:35] Well, as you say, Ireland always had a steady stream of people coming here to live and work and stay and be welcomed.
And we didn't ever have an issue of rejecting any such people.
But what's happening now and what has been happening for over 20 years is actually quite different, but increasingly so, acceleratingly so in the past three years since the so-called pandemic, which was used as a cover to bring in huge numbers, by night in planes. You would see them in the morning in Dublin with their cases dragging behind them, like 10 or 12 of them having come in from the airport. At the same time that the Irish people were locked down, and forbidden to go any more than 2 kilometres from their own homes. Half the world was coming to join us without any consultation with the Irish people. And this was a kind of an acceleration of a trend that had been with us with us for maybe 20 years going back to 2004 and the opening of the European borders, which you know.
[4:33] The Irish people voted for. I didn't vote for it. I didn't agree with it. Not necessarily for that reason, although you know for reasons that I had fears that what was what is happening now would indeed happen. But so people did vote for the expansion of the European community and so on, the union and I didn't quibble with that. But it was clear from very early on, from maybe about 2005, 2007, that there were a lot of people coming into Ireland who were not Europeans and who didn't originate in Europe, that they were using Europe as a stepping stone to get into Ireland. Again, that was kind of something that had no context or no explanation in the context of what we had voted for. It wasn't being elaborated upon by politicians and so on.
[5:24] And I remember at that time, around that time when I began to become aware of that, I started asking questions about it, but you weren't permitted to ask questions. To ask questions was racist. So if you wanted to know, I mean Ireland was at the time a population of under 4 million. And if you wanted to say, well, okay, well, like, you know, to somebody who wanted to open up our borders, well, like to what extent, you know, like, what is Ireland? You know, Is Ireland, as Thomas Davis prophesied, just a sand bank on which we walk about and indifferently and it doesn't really matter who's here, it doesn't matter why they're here, it doesn't matter, where they come from, it doesn't matter what their agendas are, or can we actually fix a number?
That was the question that seemed to me to be the most germane, to say to these people, okay.
[6:07] Fine, you want to bring in people, okay, but can you tell us who you're bringing in and can you tell us what your end game is? How many do you want to bring in? A population of less than 4 million?
What? Another million? Oh, don't be ridiculous. Okay, fine. So you're saying that's too many.
Okay, that's the start. Okay. Well, then let's say at the other end, the hypothesis maybe will say a dozen people.
[6:34] Oh you play games, no no I'm not playing games, so it's not what is not a dozen, is not twelve, that's too few, fair enough I probably agree with you.
[6:45] Now somewhere between twelve and a million is a figure that we need to fix on so can we work on that a little bit and maybe we end up with a figure that say four hundred and fifty
thousand and twenty five. Right. OK. So on Monday morning after that, the four hundred, and fifty thousand and twenty sixth person arrives at Dublin airport and walks up the plane and says, here I am. And we say, sorry, you're very sorry. You're in hard luck. You know.
[7:16] We're full up now. We've taken our quota. We said we would. And that says, I'm very sorry, but you're going to have to go back on the next plane. Is that racist? Is that racist? Well, of course, we know the answer to that it is racist, because there was never any question in these minds other than that. They would have free access, free free reign to bring as many people as they wanted into Ireland, which is an unlimited number. They have no limits. And they say this now, by the way, they say there is no upward seeding, there's no cap on migrants. We've already taken in nearly 100,000 Ukrainians, for example, in the last 10 months. And they're saying that we could expect the same again within a year. I mean, you know, and moreover, there's a concept which has been in use here in general, which we again is subterranean, of family reunification, whereby once one person comes in, they're entitled to bring in their extended family. And there's actually no upward limit on that either it appears but the average that we have found per person.
[8:21] It's quite a shocking number is 20. So you think about say a hundred thousand Ukrainians coming into Ireland and having the right to bring in 20 people a piece say, and it's more if they want.
[8:37] Well, what's that? You know, like, like, like that's 2 million people like that, without a single conversation with the Irish people about what they wish for their country, what they fear from this tendency.
But Ireland has had a massive change. The Ireland I grew up in in the 80s is a world away from the Ireland today.
And that massive change, I mean, depending how you look at it, I look at it as someone who's, maybe a Christian or a conservative and see that massive change with the church being quite strong, with a cohesion in Ireland, understanding what it meant to be Irish. But that has been upended and Ireland has turned for me one of the most conservative countries, one of the most liberal countries. And a lot of those changes, I think, have happened again without the public necessarily being engaged with and asked and discussed, what are the consequences of these actions? Are they good or bad for the country? Is that a kind of fair assessment?
Oh, yeah, for sure. I mean.
[9:57] Basically we were told. I mean, this is essentially what we're talking about here, Peter, is, totalitarianism, as defined by Václav Havel, you know, where he was talking about, you know, that the future is prepared for you and you were told you must live in it and there are no options, there is no menu. This is it, you move in. You're no longer a sovereign person in your country.
You are just simply a passenger and you're the same. You have the same rights if you have
[10:24] as anybody who comes in. In fact, in practice, what we're finding is that the Indigenous population no longer have rights in this context at all. And the reason for that is very interesting, because what it actually is, it relates back to the United Nations and the United Nations taking up of the 1964 Civil Rights Act in the United States, which kind of gave a legal oomph to a, lot of the ideologies that were beginning to float around at that point. And in effect, what it means is that when a migrant comes to Ireland or any other country in Europe.
[10:57] They are in effect a floating piece of UN jurisdiction. They bring with them all those kind of entitlements and rights which the UN will now provide them with but it is the Irish people who must pay for them.
With their communities, with their homes, with their safety, with their security, with whatever is necessary in order to fulfil the contract with the UN has extended to this individual migrant.
And the Irish people have no right to speak back to this. It is quite clear. They're, you know, they're just being bullied.
I mean by so-called entertainers, by celebrities, so-called by NGOs, by government civil servants, all paid out of the Irish taxpayers' pocket.
Now abusing the Irish taxpayer for asking simple questions about the future direction of his country and the chances of his or her children having a home to live in.
[11:55] And the Irish people are saying no in increasing numbers. And thank God, because it has taken a long time for them to overcome their fear of being demonised, of being called names by these people.
But now they realise that the price of silence is too great.
It is the complete destruction of their metaphysical home and the loss of the birth right of their children.
[12:18] How is this, I mean, Ireland is a country that you know what Irish means and probably a country with one of the strongest identities around the world has been, but that kind of identity, that heart and soul seems to be ripped out of the country.
How is that, how has that happened? Or how has that been allowed to happen?
I mean, we see it in the UK, self-hatred of the country, but you kind of thought being
[12:54] Irish is something different, is something to really be proud about and the fabric of the society and culture.
How has it changed completely?
Well, you see, Ireland's been under assault for 800 years, you know, I mean, first of all by Britain, but more recently for the past 100 years by its own people, you know, who have basically stepped into the role of colonizers within, native settlers, as it were.
And that has now, you see this whole thing of demonization. The demonization, you talked about this kind of conservative liberal axis.
I mean, I don't necessarily think the words are hugely useful anymore, any more than left and right are useful, but they do describe something in a sense.
And certainly they divide the field and we can see more clearly.
So it's useful enough to use them, they're not necessarily words that have a precise meaning. And you know we've now had, as you say, these culture wars for particularly in the last decade where we had a series of referendums which attacked the fundamental rights section of the Irish constitution on the basis of marriage, on the basis of abortion, on the basis of so-called rights of children, which are now, by the way. I oppose all these at referendum.
[14:07] And interestingly the one in 2012 about so-called children's rights was the most baffling for people, as to why I would do that. They say are you opposed to children having rights? And I say absolutely not, but their rights must be vested in their parents, has always been the case. Now after this, and it was narrowly passed, what happened was that the state took on the role of, super-parent and now you see the fruits of it where a government minister stands up on her hind legs and tells people that she is going to allow children of 16 years of age to transition, to change genders without their parents' knowledge or consent. Now that's the culmination of what happened in 2012. So to answer your question, this is the conditions you see. You see, I believe, Peter, that actually Ireland was, I forget the word, but there is a word in Spanish for what they call a self coup. I think we had one such of those in Ireland in 2011, which precedes this period, just a little more over a decade ago. And what it was, was really that the American government
[15:14] under Obama seemed to take Ireland under its wing and send all kinds of secretive forces into our midst, nor to manipulate and so on, and teach us the expertise of scumry. And we learned well. Our leaders learned well. They are complete scumbags now. And so one of the things they did, and particularly so in the 2015 referendum on marriage, was they launched these LGBT goons.
[15:43] As almost like Rottweilers, you know, packs of Rottweilers into the culture, telling people what they could and could not say, therefore what they could and could not think. And they terrified the lives out of people because people at the time, this was new and they'd never seen anything.
People, Irish people are gentle and you don't want to offend people and so on mostly.
[16:03] They need to get over that by the way. What you actually ended up with was what I call a culture of mutism or lock job where people became afraid to open their mouth for fear of saying the wrong thing in the wrong company and that they would be pulled up and reprimanded and chastised by somebody And that's therefore what you actually found in the last decade.
And I found this in places like up in the west of Ireland, where people never stop talking and saying the most outrageous things to each other, all my life. And not being afraid of that, or not even being offended by it, but enjoying the possibility that you could have these entangled, but now, when you would mention some slightly risqué subject, there was look around......
[16:55] And then they would say, but you can't open your mouth.
Exactly the same here.
When people will say to you, well said, completely agree with you.
I also share that concerns, but I really can't speak up because it's X, Y, Z. And people, seem to have lost the courage. They still have that inside belief, but they've lost the courage to speak.
Yeah. There was a great novel published there about five years ago by Anna Burns called Milkman, which was about that culture in operation in Northern Ireland.
And that really resonated with me when I read it more recently in the last couple of years.
It's a powerful book in that sense because it really gets at the undertones of what happens in a consciousness, collective and individual, when that kind of pressure for Omerta, is actually bearing down upon that culture.
And that, I think, has been the singular most effective instrument.
And that's why people ask, why is it that the LGBT movement are always drifting around the immigration issue. Well, that's why.
They're paid to silence people. That's their skill.
[18:10] LGB Rottweilers, that image sticks with me. It's a perfect description. What about in the UK, our politicians have talked about immigration, our immigration, which is out of control, has happened under a so-called conservative government for the last 13 years.
They keep telling us, don't worry, we're going to fix it. We're going to put the brakes on it, we're going to deal with it, but they never do. So there is talk. In Ireland, are they even talking about trying to do something or is there just ignoring the situation?
No, no. You see, what happens is, yes, exactly that, exactly what you've described there, Peter, that there is talk. Occasionally, intermittently, there is talk. But that talk is purely to to damp down the resistance and people to go back to their work, their everyday activities and forget about marching and chanting and so on.
And you get that now they've been muttering about the government now, mutter about, oh, they're now revealing, for example, that 60% of the migrants coming into Ireland have no papers.
[19:20] Now that's a shocking, none of us in our wildest nightmares would have dared make such an assertion that even say half or even a quarter of these people have no, we would have regarded a quarter of people of those people having no documents when they arrive here as an absolutely shocking statistic.
They're saying 60%. The government is saying 60%. They're admitting culpability and they're implying by that that they're going to do something to stop it.
But of course they're not. They're saying that to give the impression that everything is fine now.
The government suddenly has realized that maybe they've gone too far or it's gone too far or there's too many people coming here. We didn't intend this to happen.
They put out advertising all over the world, telling people that if they came to Ireland, they will get their front door key within four months.
[20:05] Wow. Wow. That 60%. That is basically a green light because you're publicizing that there's no stopping. You and I going traveling, you don't have your passport, you're not going anywhere.
[20:23] And yet that 60%, I saw that figure. That's just a big green light saying, you can come here, don't worry about any legality issues.
That's right. That's right. And you see the point is, here's the important point. The people doing this, whether they be politicians or civil servants or NGOs or whatever, they are people who can claim to be virtuous on the basis of forcing other people to accept all of these newcomers.
While never actually, because they live in basically sheltered areas that are not affected.
[20:58] And they parade in the streets and accuse other people of being racist, smug in the knowledge that they live in an area where the houses are too expensive for these people to go or for these people to be placed. The government can't afford that or wouldn't seek to do it.
It has targeted working class community. It strikes me a little bit,
[21:18] they look for families that are lacking in some problem, maybe marital difficulties or, alcoholism or something like that. So there's a weakness.
And this is the condescension of these people that they imagine their working class communities, have a weak solidarity or that they don't really care about each other or whatever.
They couldn't be further from the truth. It just shows how little they know about the people that actually they expect to vote for them.
And what you're finding therefore is that people are actually, the very people, they would have been better off targeting. In fact, they should start to target now the people that were marching in Dublin yesterday, or on Saturday.
I would suggest to them that
[21:54] they would take their video, get the video from the guards who were obviously filming the march, as they always do, and just find out where all these people live and then move the migrants in there. And that they will deal with the problem like that, no problem. Let's see how that goes for them. We know it won't go because as soon as this begins to encroach on these people's own doorsteps, their compassion dissolves and evaporates. It's only when it's being imposed upon others, that they're feeding the capacity to be, as they put it, tolerant.
Well, exactly the same thing happened in the UK. They're putting these people, not in the affluent areas, that would affect those in charge, but in other areas, and there have been big demos up in Liverpool, I guess mirroring what has happened over there. But tell us about those demonstrations because you kind of stand up and you think, okay, the people are beginning to push back. The worry is that people just accept, but there seems to be pushback. So tell us about those kind of demonstrations.
[23:04] Well, particularly, I think since the turn of the year in the working class era before actually in East Wall in Dublin, there was a community there being encroached upon and they rose up and very successfully and very momentously and a lot of people around the world started to pay attention to this. And then there have been other places in Mullingar for more, different towns around the countryside. And what you see there is not, you see the slimy lying media tried to present this as a far right and radicalized by these shadowy figures from abroad and so on.
So the utter nonsense drivel, lies.
[23:42] And what it's actually the communities themselves, it's women with prams marching.
And of course, then what happens is that Antifa and these people that LGBT thugs, who want to just wade in with their hammers, etc. can't do that.
And they're rather annoyed by this. and they accused the marchers of putting their children at risk.
Well, there would be no risk if these scumbags didn't come near them.
[24:09] You know, so, you know, like we need to get, I think, really, you might think my language is a little strong, but that's what I think is most important about this, that the Irish people learn to ramp up their outrage, and trust their repugnance of these people and speak the words that describe them.
[24:30] Because when you are dealing with something profane, you have to use profane language.
[24:36] Or you do not communicate its true nature. And that's why I use those words. And I think that's beginning to happen now. The two things are happening. One is that people are realizing that the cost of saying nothing, of being quiet, quiescent and mute is too great.
We need the same back when Ireland was founded, their uprising and then fighting to gain their independence and that's exactly what you need, fighting for the right to reclaim your culture, what it is to be Irish and to not let politicians decide for you. So it is exciting to see that.
[25:17] Yes it is and it's interesting that it's come from the working class and there's a very interesting parallel here to be drawn with the COVID episode, because again in that episode we saw, the quiescence of the so-called intellectual classes, the educated classes, the artist classes, you know, the the journalists classes, you know, so on. And it, but when you actually went into a working class community, people were common sense to get above what was happening, and saw right through it. And so now, you know, this is the extraordinary thing that, you know, that a culture, and this is very important, that considering that the impact this has made in a short time, without any recourse to reasonable coverage in the national media, all antagonistic, all lying, all mendacious and so on.
[26:08] Without artists, poets, singers, so-called, you know, singing songs at their rallies and so on.
These are just ordinary people saying, no, no, enough, enough now. This is our country.
We were born here. Our children have been born here. We want to preserve this country for them and for their children. And you will not destroy it. Because remember, there's another factor here, which is somewhat obviously opaque because the police force refused to police migrants by and large. But there have been countless stories of rapes, of all kinds of intimidation, of thefts.
[26:48] And so on, which the authorities refuse to even speak about. And indeed in which they will be gladly twist the facts in order to make it look like it is the indigenous population that are responsible. And we've had several incidents of that in the past year. Going back this time last year, a woman called Ashley Murphy was murdered by a migrant. And immediately, again, under the influence of the American experience of street theatre and so on, the street, suddenly, almost like as soon as it happened, the street was flooded with people with placards protesting against Irish misogyny.
You had the similar thing in Sligo then in April last, where two men, two gay men were, basically executed by a Muslim. They were decapitated and castrated.
And the president and other people and the LGBT scumbags went out and attacked the Irish for being homophobic.
[27:50] You couldn't make it up, really couldn't.
This is what you're dealing with.
I mean, you're dealing with a country that is so corrupt that, you know, the word is completely inadequate.
We need new words. You know, the word, the nearest word that I can come up with or that I've discovered, that kind of gives a resonance of where we are, Peter, in Ireland now is the word that describes the nature of our government.
And that word is Kakistocracy. Kakistocracy. Government by the worst. Yeah.
That's what we have in Ireland.
[28:23] Kakistocracy.
Tell us about, because in the UK we are having people, obviously the boats coming over, the little boats coming over the English Channel from France into Dover, into Kent, that's what's visible.
And that's I think 50,000 last year, talking about 80,000 plus this year.
But you've also got, that's only part of the issue. I think we've had a million people come into the country last year, that's legal and illegal.
But it is often the visible route or those little boats coming over, that's the immediacy.
But there are many other ways.
What is the situation with Ireland? Is it the boats coming in with goods and services and people on?
Where is, where are the routes coming into Ireland?
These people are being bussed in, they're being brought in by the government now.
Essentially they're being flown in, they're flying in on planes like by an ARC.
There was a period when there were boats arriving and so on, but we've kind of moved on from that.
There's no necessity for them to go surreptitiously. They can get a flight to Ireland, the government will pay for it.
They're told by the NGOs not to display their papers. Whether they hold onto them or not, we don't know.
On some instances they don't.
They throw them in the bin on the way off the plane, whatever.
And so on. And to put a kind of a quantifier on what's happening, I mean
[29:51] It's very hard because you cannot trust a single word that the authorities tell you about anything.
[29:57] But I do know certain things about this because, I mean, first of all, there is the anecdotal
[30:05] facility that we have. And I know that many times, if I've been in the middle of Dublin, I don't want to go in there now because it's a terrible place. But you would walk maybe from a place like the Four Courts to the pier station, which is about a mile and a half. And I would, as an exercise to myself, listen to accents and say, well, what proportion of these are Irish?
And generally the Irish proportion would come out as somewhere between 20 and 30 percent of those.
[30:33] So that's kind of a snapshot. But the statistics, of course, don't bear any resemblance to that.
Now, I don't say necessarily that that percentage in the middle of Dublin is accurate as to the entirety of the country, but it is an indicator of something. Now another indicator is if we look at some statistics that I've seen for the decade from up to 2019, which is just before the period I've been talking about, the Covid period, when it is clear that on average in that period 120,000, immigrants came into Ireland each year in that period. But interestingly as well, 105,000 Irish people left. Now you just think about that. So we still have emigration, which is a historical problem we've had in Ireland, going into the mid-19th century, they're called the famines, to great famines, as it were.
[31:32] That amounts to like, you know, very interesting when you go into that, because when you take away, you see the government strategy is to cancel one out against the other, more or less. That isn't, this is actually a replacement of one by the other. And more than replacement. So that means that you have well over a million from that decade alone, you know, and that's their official figures.
[31:54] Now, I don't believe these people are telling us anything like half the truth. So, you know, You have to say there are words now that we have 25% of our population is non-national.
And that would have happened within, that would have gone from pretty much a very low base, in 20 years, and particularly acceleratingly as I say, so in the last two years.
[32:16] Now, when you factor in then another element, which is the fertility rates, respective fertility rates of the indigenous population, the Irish population, which has been now in recent years subject by these politicians to an abortion referendum which legalized it and in fact is, funded by the public purse, right? We, even though we object to the murder of children, have to pay for it when our taxes, you know, it's obscene beyond description. But, you know, if you just compare it to the fertility rate, as people will know, you know, replacement rate for the population, the current population of a country is it needs 2.1 children per adult female. Now, the figure for Ireland given is 1.8 but when you zoom in on that you realize that actually that figure includes the incoming population. So it's not representative because in many instances the fertility rate among those populations like for example in Somalia is something like five.
[33:15] And so on. So therefore what you're looking at a situation where Ireland has I would say an an estimate of 1.3, which is about as low as it has gone so far in Europe.
[33:25] And that's way below the replacement rate. In fact, it's way beyond the level that at which the population falls off a cliff, which is said to be 1.6 in a generation you've gone.
You've lost your population. You've lost your you were a mere lump within the society.
And that's where we're headed.
[33:45] And they seem intent and then when you say that to you, you know, this is where it gets completely laughable to actually, you know, even though the UN uses the term replacement in relation to, to, you know, elderly demographics and so on.
If I or anybody on our side of the argument uses the word replacement, that's regarded as a racist concept.
And they just will say that I'm just repeating it. And because they control the entirety of the media, that's what other people, the ordinary people who are affected by this, pick up and then throw it out without thinking.
[34:17] Unless it until it comes to knock on their doors. That is what that they would if you say, if I start saying, oh, yeah, that's for replacement theory.
That's a racist concept.
You know, this sort of stuff. And another concept that is supposed to be racist is a cultural Marxism, which is the opinion ideology of all of this, which is the ideology of the use of a victim, as a battering ram to destroy Western civilization. And that's what's going on.
Tell us, because Ireland is a small country, 4 million, the UK is well, we're told as me...
We're five now Peter, sorry.
Oh you're five, sorry. But for a small country, And that's massively affected.
With the UK, you go up to the Midlands, you go up to Bradford and areas like that, and there used to be a church in every street corner. It's literally now a mosque in every street corner.
I've walked around seeing it.
But the change really in the country, with a large country, the change has been a little bit more gradual.
With Ireland, the change has been very rapid.
I mean, because that is an utterly destructive effect on a country which is so small.
Oh yeah, well you can see that already. You can see it on the roads in the traffic, you know, and you can see it on the M50 which circles Dublin. It's just a gridlock in the evening time.
You can see it in the hospitals which are overrun.
[35:42] There's lots of ways you can measure it. And then they tell us that there's loads of capacity, Ireland's a big country, and a lot of landmass.
And I find this particularly interesting because I've been around a long time, and I remember being involved in arguments trying to suggest that we need a better, more evenly distributed
[36:05] distribution of resources throughout the country in order to make sure that the West and the the South grew in a proper way.
And of course I was told there's nothing down there only bog, but now it seems they've forgotten about the bog and it seems we can now take tens of millions of foreigners in our country.
So this is the thing, you see, okay, well look, Peter you have to really then stop because it's quite clear, and we go back to that word, kakistocracy.
It's quite clear that the people doing this have no conscious or thoughts whatsoever for the effects it's going to have in so far as that they
[36:46] don't care if they damage Ireland, they don't care if they destroy Ireland, they don't care what happens to the people of Ireland. That's quite clear. There's no doubt about it now. They're more or less saying that the Irish people are not entitled to get houses before migrants. That's policy now in effect. Even no matter how long they've been on the list, they're not entitled to to continue, they're taken off the list or they're pushed back and the migrants are ushered ahead.
Now, you know, I, and this is all being used with a kind of a blackmail tactic of, you know, are you a Christian or are you not a Christian? All this nonsense. People who haven't a Christian hair on their heads. You know, like, so you then have to look at these people and ask, well, what is going on? Why are they doing this? Are these the same people who asked for our votes?
[37:36] Not that long ago? Are these the people who promised that they would look after our country.
[37:41] And that they would take care of it better than the others? Well, now one of the things we notice is that they're all saying the same thing. So that this isn't just that it's one party or the government, it's the government and the opposition and the fringe leftists or whatever they are parties down to maybe you'll get two or three independents who are dissenting in a certain kind of sort of a kind of way. And you have to say then that essentially what it means is that Ireland is completely captured and is captured by an ideology that is intent upon destroying it, and that the leadership and the political class know about this.
And that they're working it through on behalf of the interest, whether they're being paid, whether they've been blackmailed, whether they've been threatened with hurt or damage, I don't know.
[38:32] But they're doing it willingly. And they're doing it in such a barefaced way that no sensible person, could do other than gasp at what they're saying and what they're responsible for doing. So
[38:45] the question then is how much longer it will take for the people fully to awaken.
And see not just this issue but all the others as well. And then the next question is well, what could we possibly do about it? Well, you know, I've said it before, Peter, I think the only hope for Ireland really now is complete collapse. The complete collapse of the Irish economy for many years, maybe a decade, might actually have the consequence of readiness of all of these problems, readiness of the political establishment has been responsible. We thought we done that before, by the way, in 2010, 11. But they came back, the same people, which is a long story, but an interesting one. We might talk about it some other day. And, you know, so I think that, you know, if the Irish economy could collapse, and I think it might in the coming year or two.
[39:40] I think, and Europe, of course, with it. I think that we would have a hope of basically our country going back
[39:49] 30, 40 years and building again from the ground up.
Well, you're right, because Ireland has grown really and had spectacular growth.
[40:01] We're told the tiger economy with a lot of foreign investment because of the tax, low taxes, having an educated population, English speaking population right on the edge of Europe.
And it's grown on the back of that and made Ireland a desirable despite all the different crashes.
But if Ireland is no longer desirable, then people obviously move from Mogadishu to Dublin, because there's an attraction.
But if the society collapses, that attraction goes. So that does make sense then that reverses that immigration.
Well, first of all, I want to clarify a little bit about the economic story because that is a mythology which is broadcast by political interests. The reality is that Irish economy
[40:53] is dying, has been dying for decades. What you're talking about there, what they talk about, what they promote and trumpet around the world is a cuckoo in the nest economy which comprises entirely multinational corporations who benefit Ireland almost only to the extent that there's a little trickle which falls at their feet and that we lick up off the ground. The economy of Ireland, if they came into Ireland those people promising to create jobs and the assumption was that there would be jobs for Irish people. Google, take one example, would you like to guess how many of the the Irish population, what proportion of it is Irish, of the staff of Google?
You'd expect like maybe 50%?
[41:37] 5%. And that draws the picture for you. This is a complete con. The Celtic Tiger was a con, of course it was. It was just simply a bicycle pumping up a bubble and then burst. And we ended up with a debt of something like 50 odd billion, which includes the debts of half of Europe as well well as our own. And now we are in this situation where we have all these, like for example, we have data processing plants in all over Ireland, hundreds of them, which are using up more electricity than the entire population put together. They're also using water to cool down these things, which means that this summer we're going to have a dramatic drought, in Ireland. Already the signs that the reservoirs are very low and we're still in February, the months that historically we were told fills the dikes, not only nowhere, the dikes are now empty or very near to us. And this is all part of the same pattern, you know. So the Irish economy has been struggling and of course it was delivered a series of absolutely lethal hammer blows during the COVID episode where many people were put out of business, small businesses, you know, all over the country. And that is still to work its way through.
[43:00] So this is all happening at this time. Now you'd have to conclude Peter that this is clearly no plan, for the development of Ireland in any way what's happening. It is the plan for mysteriously and opaquely and so on and so on and so on. Who can possibly see into this? Who could predict it? Who could have predicted it? It is a plan for the destruction of Ireland, the permanent obliteration of the Irish people from their own country and their attestation by people who presumably by, by virtue of having no attachment to the sand bank, as it will be, as Thomas Davis warned us against, that they will be people that will simply just do whatever work they have to do, spend their money and not cause any trouble, that there will be no talking about patriotism or any of that nonsense in the future, and that the authorities and the secret unknowns who run the world will have no headaches emanating from the island of Ireland.
[43:59] Well, just finally, looking at what's happened in the UK, actually a commentator I heard yesterday, on the radio was talking about the cohesion of a culture collapsing and people pushing back. And
I think that's just as we're seeing in Liverpool and in touched before. And I think that's what I see that hope that it's no longer shrugging your shoulders and accepting it, but it is a pushback, from the people.
I think it's, you see, it's so desperate now. We're now at the point where desperate measures are necessary. And you can't predict what will happen in that situation because you
[44:39] can't judge people by their responses in peacetime. And you might have got the impression that the Irish people in the last three years were very docile and compliant and so on and so on. And some of them are undoubtedly, but I don't think they all are by any means. There's a spirit there.
That burns, that has guttered a little bit in the last three years, but is now beginning to sort of liven up a little bit. And I think I wouldn't like to be a politician in the coming couple of years.
[45:04] Exactly. Well, John, I appreciate you coming on and sharing what exactly has been happening over in Ireland. So thank you for being with us today.
Thank you, Peter. Great pleasure.
