Eastern Front #2 Day 2 of Operation Barbarossa: The North Army Attacks

Last time we spoke about Day 1 of Operation Barbarossa. On June 22, 1941, Operation Barbarossa commenced, marking the beginning of one of history's largest military campaigns. German soldiers received the shocking news just hours before the assault, rallying under Nazi ideology with grim determination. At dawn, artillery and air raids erupted, catching Soviet forces unprepared. The Wehrmacht launched a surprise attack, swiftly advancing deep into enemy territory, achieving significant early victories against a disorganized Soviet defense. As the first day wore on, German forces encountered fierce resistance from Soviet soldiers demonstrating unexpected resolve. Despite initial success, logistical challenges soon became evident, as the harsh terrain of the Eastern Front complicated the advance. Roads were poor, forcing troops to abandon vehicles and rely on manpower to pull them free. While high-ranking German leaders celebrated their swift progress, the reality for individual soldiers was increasingly sobering; they faced a determined Soviet army far from the feeble force they had anticipated. 

This episode is: Day 2 of Operation Barbarossa: The North Army Attacks

Well hello there, welcome to the Easter Front week by week podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about world war two? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on world war two and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel you can find a few videos all the way from the Opium Wars of the 1800’s until the end of the Pacific War in 1945. 

Well hello there. In the last episode we opened up the can of worms that was Operation Barbarossa, only for day one. In this podcast we are going to continue that story, but for cohesive sack we decided to tackle this by army group. So for the remainder of the week each episode will cover the different groups and today we are talking about Army Group North.

Prior to the invasion, Adolr Hitler emphasized that the most important objective was to prevent the Red Army from retreating in an orderly fashion. He stated that the blows against the Red Army must be sufficiently powerful to eliminate any chance of recovery. To achieve this, he asserted the necessity of deploying tank forces to encircle and annihilate the enemy's strongest units. Commanded by Field Marshal Wilhelm Ritter von Leeb, Army Group North was stationed in East Prussia. Its strategic objective was Leningrad, with operational goals that included capturing the territories of the Baltic republics and securing the northern flank of Army Group Centre in Northern Russia, specifically between the Western Dvina River and the Daugavpils-Kholm Army Group boundary.

Each of the German Army Groups was supported at the operational level by an Air Corps, except for Army Group Centre, which was supported by two Air Corps. A German Air Corps in 1941 was of variable strength but usually included at least 3 Air Wings of various types, including but not limited to Medium Bombers, Ground Attack and Fighter wings. There was a small Reconnaissance element in the Air Corps, but this was usually limited to a single flight of planes. Army Group North received support from the 1st Air Corps, led by Lt. General Förster, part of the 1st Air Fleet, led by Colonel General Keller. While this Corps lacked the dedicated ground attack Ju-87 Stuka wings found in other Air Corps, it compensated with a heavy concentration of Ju-88 medium bombers. In addition to the forces of the 1st Air Corps, there was also an ad-hoc organization led by Lieutenant Colonel von Wild, which was established to secure the coastline and ensure that the Soviet Navy could not disrupt the movement of the Heer along the coast.

As was the case along the entire front, the 1st Air Corps launched surprise attacks on Soviet air bases in its sector with brutal effectiveness. The Soviet response was minimal, hindered by a significant lack of modern equipment, poor command and control, and the shock of being attacked without any warning. The few Soviet fighters that managed to take to the air were completely outclassed by their German counterparts. Soviet losses in the initial days of the war were so staggering that even the Commander-in-Chief of the Luftwaffe found them hard to believe. It is estimated that 1,800 Soviet planes were destroyed on the first day, with hundreds more lost throughout the week. In the far north, the war opened with a massive Soviet bomber raid on June 25, targeting cities across Finland with approximately 500 medium bombers. This attack was a critical demonstration of the Red Air Force’s continuing strength. The Luftwaffe could not intercept them all, and the Finnish Air Force was in a similarly precarious position. Ultimately, this situation led to Finland officially joining the war, providing a short-term boost to the Nazi war effort.

So you might be asking yourself, how did Finland get sucked up into this? Let’s just summarize the bitter experience Finland had over the past couple of years. The 1939 Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact enabled the Soviet Union to exert pressure on the small Baltic republics and Finland, likely to improve its strategic position in Eastern Europe in the event of a broader conflict. The Baltic republics quickly acquiesced to Soviet demands for military bases and troop transfer rights, while Finland resolutely refused. When diplomatic efforts failed, military action was initiated, and on November 30, 1939, the Soviet Union launched its invasion of Finland, marking the beginning of the Winter War.

The Winter War served as a rude awakening for the Finns regarding the realities of international politics. Condemnation from the League of Nations and global outrage seemed to have little impact on Soviet policy. Although Sweden permitted volunteers to join the Finnish army, it refrained from sending military support or allowing passage to French or British troops, who were also mobilized in fewer numbers than initially promised. Even right-wing extremists were disillusioned to find that Nazi Germany provided no assistance and actively blocked material support from other nations. The Moscow Peace Treaty, which concluded the Winter War, was viewed as a significant injustice. The losses at the negotiation table, including Viipuri, Finland's second-largest city were perceived to be greater than those suffered on the battlefield. Finland lost one-fifth of its industrial capacity and 9% of its territory. Of the 12% of Finland's population living in these lost territories, only a few hundred remained; the remaining 420,000 relocated to the Finnish side of the new border.

Public opinion in Finland longed for the re-acquisition of the homes left behind by the 12% of the population who had been forced to flee Finnish Karelia in haste. Many placed their hopes in the peace conference that was generally expected to follow the war. Consequently, the term Välirauha "Interim Peace" gained popularity after the harsh terms of the peace treaty were announced. Although the peace treaty was signed, the state of war was not officially revoked due to the ongoing global conflict, the challenging food supply situation, and the poor condition of the Finnish military. Censorship remained in place and was utilized to suppress criticism of the Moscow Peace Treaty and blatant anti-Soviet sentiments. The continued state of war allowed President Kyösti Kallio to ask Field Marshal Mannerheim to remain as commander-in-chief, responsible for overseeing the reorganization of Finland's Armed Forces and fortifying the new border, a crucial task during these tumultuous times. Within a week after the peace treaty was signed, fortification work commenced along the 1,200 km long Salpalinja or "the Bolt Line", with a primary focus between the Gulf of Finland and Lake Saimaa. Throughout the summer and autumn, Finland received military supplies purchased and donated during and immediately after the Winter War. However, it took several months before Mannerheim could provide a somewhat positive assessment of the army's condition. Military expenditures in 1940 rose to 45% of Finland's state budget, with military purchases prioritized over civilian needs. Mannerheim's position and the ongoing state of war allowed for effective military management, but this also created a troubling parallel government that occasionally clashed with civilian government structures. On March 13, the same day the Moscow Peace Treaty came into effect, the British Ministry of Economic Warfare requested the Foreign Office to initiate negotiations with Finland as soon as possible to foster positive relations. The under-secretary of MEW, Charles Hambro, was authorized to form a war trade treaty with Finland and traveled to Helsinki on April 7. He had previously exchanged letters with Ryti, and they quickly reached a basic understanding of the treaty's contents. The Finns were eager to commence trade; from their first meeting, a preliminary treaty was drafted and accepted immediately. However, Hambro needed approval from his superiors and emphasized that the treaty would not be considered official until a final version was negotiated. Under the treaty, Finland agreed to give control of its strategic material exports to Britain in exchange for armaments and other essential supplies. However, the following day, Germany invaded Norway, rendering the treaty unworkable due to the absence of safe trade routes between the two countries.

Germany has historically served as a counterbalance to Russia in the Baltic region. Even though Hitler's Third Reich had colluded with the Soviet invaders, Finland saw some value in pursuing warmer relations with Germany. Following the German occupation of Norway and particularly after the Allied evacuation from northern Norway, the relative importance of improving ties with Germany increased. On May 9, Finland inquired about the possibility of purchasing arms from Germany, but Germany refused to even entertain the discussion. Beginning in May 1940, Finland initiated a campaign to restore the amicable relations with Germany that had deteriorated during the last year of the 1930s. Finland hoped to capitalize on the fragile Nazi–Soviet relationship and the numerous personal connections between Finnish and German athletes, scientists, industrialists, and military officers. After the fall of France, in late June, the Finnish ambassador in Stockholm received diplomatic reports suggesting that Britain might soon be compelled to negotiate peace with Germany. The experiences of World War I highlighted the importance of maintaining close and friendly relations with the victors, prompting Finland to intensify its efforts to court Nazi Germany. A notable shift in the German attitude toward Finland was observed in late July when Ludwig Weissauer, a secret representative of the German Foreign Minister, visited Finland to inquire with Mannerheim and Ryti about Finland's willingness to defend itself against the Soviet Union. Mannerheim assessed that the Finnish army could withstand a few weeks of conflict without additional arms. Weissauer departed without securing any promises.

Unbeknownst to Finland, Adolf Hitler had begun planningOperation Barbarossa following the collapse of France. He had previously shown little interest in Finland before the Winter War, but he now recognized its potential as an operational base and the military value of the Finnish army. In the first weeks of August, German fears of a potential Soviet attack on Finland led Hitler to lift the arms embargo. Thus, arms deliveries that had been halted during the Winter War were resumed. The next German visitor was Joseph Veltjens, a representative of Hermann Göring, who arrived on August 18 to negotiate with Ryti and Mannerheim regarding German troop transfer rights between Finnmark in Northern Norway and the ports of the Gulf of Bothnia in exchange for arms and other materials. Initially, these arms shipments were transported via Sweden, but later they began arriving directly in Finland. This arrangement constituted a breach of the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact on Germany’s part and represented a material breach of the Moscow Peace Treaty for Finland, which had primarily aimed to restrict cooperation between Germany and Finland. There is some debate about whether the ailing President Kallio was informed of these developments; it is possible that his health deteriorated before he could be briefed confidentially. As part of the campaign to warm relations with the Third Reich, it seemed a natural progression to seek closer cooperation, especially since the much-disliked Moscow Peace Treaty had explicitly discouraged such partnerships. Censored propaganda in the Finnish press contributed to the country’s reorientation while employing measured means. Soviet negotiators had insisted that the troop transfer agreement to Hanko should not be published for parliamentary discussion or voting. This precedent made it easier for the Finnish government to keep the troop transfer agreement with the Germans secret until the first German troops arrived at the port of Vaasa on September 21. 

The arrival of German troops alleviated the insecurity felt by many Finns and was largely welcomed. Most opposition stemmed from concerns about the negotiation process rather than the transfer itself, as the Finnish populace was largely unaware of the specific details of the agreements with the Third Reich. The presence of German troops was seen as a deterrent against further Soviet threats and a counterbalance to the Soviet troop transfer rights. On November 21, the German troop transfer agreement was expanded to allow the movement of wounded soldiers and those on leave via Turku. German troops arrived and established quarters, depots, and bases along the rail lines from Vaasa and Oulu to Ylitornio and Rovaniemi, extending to roadways via Karesuvanto and Kilpisjärvi or Ivalo and Petsamo to Skibotn and Kirkenes in northern Norway. Roadwork to improve the winter road between Karesuvanto and Skibotn, as well as the construction of entirely new roads from Ivalo to Karasjok, was discussed and later funded by the Germans. On October 23, Ryti, Mannerheim, Minister of Defence Walden, and Chief of Staff Heinrichs decided to share information regarding Finland's defense plans for Lappland with the Wehrmacht to foster goodwill, despite the risk that this information could be passed on to the Soviet Union. When Soviet Foreign Minister Molotov visited Berlin on November 12, he demanded that Germany cease its support for Finland and treat Finland similarly to the Baltic states. However, Hitler insisted that no new military actions should occur in Northern Europe before summer. Through unofficial channels, Finnish representatives were informed that "Finnish leaders can sleep peacefully; Hitler has opened his umbrella over Finland."

On May 24, 1941, a group of staff officers led by General Heinrichs left Finland to participate in discussions with the German High Command in Salzburg on May 25. During these meetings, the Germans outlined their plans for the northern part of Operation Barbarossa, expressing interest in using Finnish territory to launch attacks from Petsamo to Murmansk and from Salla to Kandalaksha. Heinrichs conveyed Finnish interest in Eastern Karelia, but the Germans recommended a passive stance. Negotiations continued the following day in Berlin with the Army High Command , where, in contrast to the previous day’s discussions, Germany requested that Finland form a strong attack formation ready to strike on either the eastern or western side of Lake Ladoga. The Finns promised to consider the proposal but informed the Germans that they could only arrange supplies along the Olonets-Petrozavodsk line. The issue of mobilization was also discussed, and it was decided that the Germans would send signal officers to facilitate confidential communication with Mannerheim’s headquarters in Mikkeli. Naval issues were addressed, primarily focused on securing sea lines over the Baltic Sea and the potential use of the Finnish navy in the upcoming conflict. During these negotiations, the Finns submitted various material requests, ranging from grain and fuel to aircraft and radio equipment.

Heinrichs' group returned to Finland on May 28 and reported their discussions to Mannerheim, Walden, and Ryti. On May 30, Ryti, Witting, Walden, Kivimäki, Mannerheim, Heinrichs, Talvela, and Aaro Pakaslahti from the Foreign Ministry met and accepted the results of the negotiations, establishing a list of key prerequisites: a guarantee of Finnish independence, restoration of pre-Winter War borders (or better), continued grain deliveries, and that Finnish troops would not cross the border before a Soviet incursion. The next round of negotiations took place in Helsinki from June 3 to 6, focusing on practical details. It was agreed that Germany would control the area north of Oulu, a region sparsely populated and not critical to the defense of southern provinces. The Finns also consented to provide two divisions, 30,000 men to the Germans in northern Finland and to allow the use of airfields in Helsinki and Kemijärvi for German operations with additional airfields at Kemi and Rovaniemi added later. 

Finland warned Germany that any attempts to establish a Quisling government would terminate cooperation, emphasizing the importance of Finland not being viewed as the aggressor and that no invasion should be launched from Finnish territory. Subsequent negotiations regarding naval operations continued on June 6 in Kiel, where it was agreed that the Kriegsmarine would mine the Gulf of Finland as soon as the war commenced. The arrival of German troops participating in Operation Barbarossa began on June 7 in Petsamo, where the SS Division Nord moved southwards, and on June 8 in the ports of the Gulf of Bothnia, where the German 169th Infantry Division was transported by rail to Rovaniemi, both divisions turning eastward on June 18. In response to these developments, Britain canceled all naval traffic to Petsamo starting June 14. From June 14 onward, several German minelayers and supporting motor torpedo boats arrived in Finland, some on official naval visits and others hidden in the southern archipelago. The Finnish parliament was informed for the first time on June 9 when the first mobilization orders were issued for troops required to safeguard the subsequent mobilization phases, including anti-air and border guard units. On June 16, two Finnish divisions were transferred to the German army in Lapland. On June 18, an airfield in Utti was evacuated by Finnish planes, and the Germans were permitted to use it for refueling starting June 19. German reconnaissance planes were stationed at Tikkakoski, near Jyväskylä, on June 20. On June 20, the Finnish government ordered the evacuation of 45,000 people from the Soviet border. The following day, June 21, Finland's Chief of the General Staff, Erik Heinrichs, was finally informed by his German counterpart that the attack was set to begin.

Operation Barbarossa had commenced in the northern Baltic by the late hours of June 21, when German minelayers, previously hiding in the Finnish archipelago, laid two large minefields across the Gulf of Finland, one at the mouth of the Gulf and another in its central part. These minefields effectively confined the Soviet Baltic Fleet to the easternmost part of the Gulf of Finland until the end of the Continuation War. Additionally, three Finnish submarines participated in the mining operation, laying nine smaller fields between Suursaari Island and the Estonian coast, with the first mines being deployed by the Finnish submarine Vetehinen at 07:38 on June 22, 1941. Later that night, German bombers flying from East Prussian airfields flew over the Gulf of Finland toward Leningrad, mining the harbor and the Neva River. Finnish air defense observed that one group of bombers, likely responsible for the mining of the Neva, flew over southern Finland. On their return trip, these bombers refueled at Utti airfield before heading back to East Prussia. Finland feared that the Soviet Union would quickly occupy Åland and use it to block naval routes from Finland to Sweden and Germany, particularly in conjunction with the Hanko base. 

In response, Operation Kilpapurjehdus or "Sail Race" was launched in the early hours of June 22 to deliver Finnish troops to Åland. Soviet bombers attacked Finnish ships during the operation at 06:05 on June 22, before the Finnish forces could land on Åland, but fortunately, no damage was inflicted during the air assault. Individual Soviet artillery batteries began firing at Finnish positions from Hanko early in the morning, prompting the Finnish commander to seek permission to return fire; however, before this permission could be granted, the Soviet artillery ceased. On the morning of June 22, the German Gebirgskorps Norwegen initiated Operation Rentier, advancing from Northern Norway to Petsamo. The German ambassador began urgent negotiations with Sweden to facilitate the transfer of the German 163rd Infantry Division from Norway to Finland using Swedish railways, a request that Sweden granted on June 24. On June 22, both the Soviet Union and Finland declared their respective neutrality in the ongoing conflict, creating unease among Nazi leadership. Germany attempted to provoke a response from the Soviet Union through the use of the Finnish archipelago as a base and Finnish airfields for refueling. 

On the morning of June 22, Hitler proclaimed: "Together with their Finnish comrades in arms, the heroes from Narvik stand at the edge of the Arctic Ocean. German troops under the command of the conqueror of Norway and the Finnish freedom fighters under their Marshal’s command are protecting Finnish territory." Following the launch of Operation Barbarossa at approximately 3:15 a.m. on June 22, 1941, the Soviet Union sent seven bombers on a retaliatory airstrike into Finland, striking targets at 6:06 a.m. Helsinki time, as reported by the Finnish coastal defense ship Väinämöinen. On the morning of June 25, the Soviet Union launched another air offensive, deploying 460 fighters and bombers targeting 19 airfields in Finland. However, due to inaccurate intelligence and poor bombing accuracy, many raids struck Finnish cities and municipalities, causing significant damage. The Soviet forces lost 23 bombers during this operation, while Finnish forces reported no aircraft losses. Although the USSR claimed that the airstrikes were aimed at German targets, particularly airfields in Finland, the Finnish Parliament used these attacks as justification for approving a "defensive war." 

Finland did not permit direct German attacks from its territory against the Soviet Union, requiring German forces in Petsamo and Salla to hold their fire. Air attacks were also prohibited, and inclement weather in northern Finland hindered German flying capabilities. Only one attack from southern Finland against the White Sea Canal was approved but had to be canceled due to poor weather conditions. Occasional small arms fire occurred between Soviet and Finnish border guards, but overall, the front remained quiet. Both parties, along with the Germans, conducted active air reconnaissance over the border, yet no air battles ensued. The worst damage occurred in Turku, where the airfield became inoperable for a week, and the medieval Turku Castle was struck. Heavy damage also affected civilian targets in Kotka and Heinola, though casualties from the attacks were relatively limited. The Soviet Union justified the offensive as directed against German targets in Finland; however, even the British embassy acknowledged that the majority of the damage was inflicted on southern Finland, including airfields without any German forces present. Rovaniemi and Petsamo were the only locations with German troops at the time of the attack. Consequently, Foreign Minister Eden admitted to parliament on June 26 that the Soviet Union had initiated the war. A parliament meeting was scheduled for June 25, during which Prime Minister Rangell was set to announce Finland's neutrality in the Soviet-German conflict. However, due to the Soviet bombings, he instead declared that Finland was once again at war with the Soviet Union. Thus, the Continuation War commenced. 

Down in the mud, the Heer was advancing steadily northward despite stiff resistance from the Red Army. Along the coast, the 291st Infantry Division made a near-miraculous advance into Latvia. However, they were soon ordered to moderate their pace due to growing resistance in the center and the slower progress of the rest of the 18th Army on their right flank.The corps of the 18th Army were making decent progress overall. The 26th Infantry Corps was pushing through light resistance as they attempted to secure the crossroads at Siauliai. The swampy terrain complicated their march, but the 10th Rifle Division's efforts to hold them back were ultimately futile. The Soviets were caught by surprise, outnumbered, outflanked, and outmaneuvered. The 30th Infantry Corps on the right encountered even rougher terrain than their counterparts in the 26th Corps. Despite the challenging conditions, resistance was also light, as only the 90th Rifle Division stood in their way on the approach to Siauliai.

Hoepner’s two panzer corps encountered remarkably different levels of opposition from the Red Army forces in the area. By June 26th, General Erich von Manstein’s 56th Panzer Corps had established a bridgehead at Dvinsk on the Dvina River. However, Manstein became a victim of his own success, having to pause operations for six days to await the arrival of General Ernst Busch’s 16th Army, which was threatened on its right flank due to the 9th Army's southern turn to begin encirclement east of Białystok. Manstein was also far ahead of the Fourth Panzer Group’s second panzer corps, General Georg-Hans Reinhardt’s 41st Panzer Corps, which had been delayed largely because of the aforementioned Soviet counterattacks at Rossienie. Lacking support, Manstein's halt was a prudent measure; however, as Halder’s diary notes, it allowed the Soviets the opportunity to fall back over the Dvina River. Halder also observed that in the Army Group’s rear area, "strong wedged-in enemy elements are causing the infantry a lot of trouble even far behind the front." The activities in the northern and southern army groups illustrated the interdependence of each sector on the overall progress of the war. Yet, even in this early phase, the armies' inability to maintain contact between neighboring units, pacify rear areas, and provide infantry support to the panzer spearheads highlighted the army's overextension, which was already becoming apparent. Securing the crossings of the Dvina River was critical for the future advance of the Army Group. Manstein reached the city on June 26. His advance of over three hundred kilometers was an impressive achievement, but it also isolated his corps from neighboring units on both sides. For the next three days, his men held onto the bridgehead despite serious counterattacks from the Soviet 27th Army. On June 29, infantry support from the 16th Army began to arrive. This should have signaled Manstein to launch another offensive, but orders came from Hoepner stating that Army Group North had halted the Panzers on the Dvina until the infantry could catch up along the entire front.

Reinhardt’s 41st Panzer Corps made several small tactical blunders on the first day, resulting in a loss of initiative to the Soviet 8th Army and its parent Northwestern Front. While Manstein raced toward the Dvina, the 41st Panzer Corps faced the brunt of the Red Army’s counterattacks in the region. The Soviet 8th Army had positioned its reserves over a hundred kilometers from the border, a decision that had significant consequences. On one hand, the Army headquarters could not move its reserves up to support the frontline divisions, effectively dooming the 10th and 90th Rifle Divisions to a hopeless retreat without armor support. On the other hand, this distance prevented the bulk of the army from being encircled in the early days of fighting. This breathing space allowed for a counterattack to be organized.

As the commander of the Northwestern Front, Kuznetsov ordered a counterattack. He dispatched orders to the 27th and 8th Armies to begin preparations within hours of the opening hostilities. However, his ability to communicate orders was severely hindered due to the destruction of command bunkers, non-operative phone and power lines, and many officers losing control of their units. To complicate matters further, the speed of the Wehrmacht’s advance in some sectors rendered orders obsolete before they even arrived. Kuznetsov directed the 8th Army to mobilize its armor. Lieutenant General Sobeniknov organized his mechanized corps for the assault. The 12th Mechanized Corps would push from the north, attacking the 41st Panzer Corps at Tytuvenai. In the south, the Soviet 11th Army’s 3rd Mechanized Corps attacked from north of Kaunas in the direction of Raseiniai. Together, the two corps mustered around three hundred fifty tanks, while the two Panzer divisions of the 41st Corps possessed approximately three hundred ninety tanks.

Finally, after long delays, during the night of June 22, the tanks concentrated and prepared for their counterattack against Reinhardt’s panzer corps. However, this concentration was compromised by orders from the Soviet 8th Army, which diverted one of the tank divisions to mount a counterattack at the border. This unauthorized diversion highlighted the tenuous lines of communication within the Red Army's hierarchy. This situation also highlighted a division in tactical concepts. Kuznetsov aimed to concentrate his armor to counter the enemy's concentration, while his subordinate Sobeniknov preferred to use the tanks piecemeal to support his infantry. The inherent tension between these opposing strategies had played out in France just a year earlier, with predictable results. The Panzers had successfully outmaneuvered their opponents, who were reliant on infantry support, and they were doing so once again in the Soviet Union. Notably, General Charles De Gaulle was one of the few French commanders who advocated for the mass deployment of French tanks but had been consistently overruled. Confusion abounded, and the counterattack became a messy, ill-coordinated affair from the outset.

Besides the command-and-control issues, logistics were also problematic. The 12th Mechanized Corps lacked sufficient fuel for the road march to the assembly area, approximately sixty kilometers away. Major General Shestopalov attempted to coordinate supply convoys to fetch fuel during the night of June 22-23, but this proved to be nearly impossible. The roads were overcrowded, and ongoing confusion about unit locations aggravated the situation. On the morning of the 23rd, German Luftwaffe attacks further disrupted the corps' road march and supply efforts. It wasn’t until the following afternoon that one of Shestopalov's divisions reached the jumping-off point for the counterattack. This was the 28th Tank Division, which was equipped solely with light tanks. Although the division had two hundred and thirty tanks, it could have been a powerful attacking force if properly supported. Unfortunately, this was not to be. Colonel Chernyahovksy, the division commander, ordered an assault by the first regiment that arrived. The 55th Tank Regiment attacked with only forty light tanks. They advanced against the 21st Infantry Division, which successfully repulsed them with anti-tank and artillery fire. This piecemeal assault began at 2100 hours, but after only three hours, Chernyahovksy called off the attack, having lost seventeen of his forty tanks with nothing of consequence gained.

Near Raseiniai, things were calm for the moment as the 6th Panzer Division was in the process of refueling and rearming. Luftwaffe reconnaissance had located a column of Soviet armor on the road from Kedainiai; however, this report was lost somewhere along the way. On the morning of June 24, the division was unexpectedly struck by the 2nd Tank Division of the 3rd Mechanized Corps. This morning brought two new realities for the men of the 6th Panzer. They were caught off guard by the Soviet counterattack, and the 2nd Tank Division was primarily manned by the best medium and heavy tanks in the Red Army. Hitherto unknown to the Wehrmacht, T-34s, KV-1s, and the monstrous KV-2 roared into battle. The Wehrmacht had little intelligence indicating the existence of such tanks, let alone the number that the Red Army possessed. This is a notable example of the failures of the Wehrmacht’s and the Nazi regime’s intelligence services. Throughout the war, tactical, operational, and strategic intelligence consistently failed to provide meaningful warnings to the officers and soldiers on the ground. This issue was not isolated to the Eastern Front but was especially egregious in the campaigns in the east.

The shock of encountering these formidable tanks was compounded by the complete ineffectiveness of the division’s anti-tank weapons against them. Round after round bounced off the thick armor of the Soviet tanks. The Pak 36 was worse than useless; its thirty-seven-millimeter shell had become essentially obsolete by 1941, replaced by the larger and more capable fifty-millimeter Pak 38. The obsolescence of the Pak 36 should not be overstated to imply that it was completely useless. Instead, it was ineffective against the most modern tanks it encountered. This issue had already been apparent in 1940 in the west, where it was proven ineffective against the British Matilda Mk. II and the French B1 and S35. The Heer was aware of the weapon's shortcomings, which led to the development and deployment of the Pak 38 in 50mm. However, even the Pak 38 struggled against the T-34 and was ineffective against the Soviet heavy tanks. The Pak 40 in 75mm was already in development, but the first units would not be delivered until February 1942.

However, even the larger Pak 38 could not penetrate the frontal armor of the Soviet tanks. Eventually, three KV-2s broke through the division's front, overrunning the infantry. This marked the first time German infantry experienced the terrifying ordeal of being overrun by tanks, a scenario that the French and British had faced multiple times in the Western theater. The breakthrough shocked German commanders. It was only the third day of the war, and they were supposed to be crushing a surprised Red Army with obsolete equipment and poorly organized leadership. Instead, they found themselves confronted with the inadequacy of their own equipment and a failure in reconnaissance that prevented them from anticipating the attack. Leaders were stunned by the course of events a wake-up call for many soldiers and officers. As the KV-2s advanced, they attacked the division’s reserve while crossing the Dubya River. Intense fighting ensued, and the tanks began to overrun a field howitzer battery. Quick-thinking soldiers directed fire from the one-hundred-fifty-millimeter guns at point-blank range against the incoming KV-2s. Nevertheless, the heavy tanks shrugged off these attacks. It was only when howitzer fire physically destroyed the tracks of the tanks that they were put out of action. Although immobilized, the threat would persist until German infantry dealt with the tanks the hard way by hand. Sources do not provide a precise account of how these tanks were put out of action, but inferring from other actions allows some insight into how it was likely accomplished. Infantry would have had to physically mount the tanks, open the hatches, and drop grenades inside. Alternatively, they would need to wait for the Red Tankers to voluntarily exit their vehicles to either gun them down or take them prisoner.

This singular breakthrough did not change the outcome of the battle. The Soviet tanks remained too disorganized, manned by poorly trained crews who, in some cases, did not know how to operate their vehicles fully or work together in small-unit tactics. The 2nd Tank Division’s attack sputtered out as piecemeal assaults ran out of fuel and ammunition. The fighting was not over yet. Reinhardt was maneuvering his 1st Panzer Division and elements of the 36th Infantry Division around the open flank of the 2nd Tank Division, while Manstein’s Panzers advanced toward Kedainiai behind the Soviet lines. By the night of the 24th, General Solyankin had been surrounded but refused to surrender. On the morning of the 25th, he attempted a breakout with his remaining tanks. This effort was quashed, but not without drama, as the KV tanks attacked and nearly broke through the German lines. The soldiers on the ground were beginning to appreciate the value of their anti-aircraft guns in combating the heavy tanks. The 88 mm anti-aircraft gun would eventually become legendary in this new role, though these were the earliest days of its employment. This application was not without its failures, stemming from desperation as everything else had been tried, and aside from isolated instances like howitzers destroying tracks, all other methods had failed. The 88mm Flak gun, in various mountings at this point in the war, was a Corps-level asset intended for use as a stationary emplacement to defend local supply and command centers against air attacks. It was effective in this role. Its success as an anti-tank gun stemmed from its high velocity and substantial shell weight. The Germans were not the only ones to discover that anti-aircraft guns could be effectively repurposed for anti-tank work. Eventually, the Soviets adopted a modified version of their M1939 85mm gun for tank use, as did the Americans with their M3 90mm gun. The British utilized their QF 3.7-inch gun in anti-tank and field artillery roles, but they never officially adopted it or a modified version for those purposes. The 2nd Tank Division would hold out until sometime on the 26th when Solyankin was killed. Shortly thereafter, Reinhardt’s Corps was able to advance, though sporadic fighting likely continued in isolated pockets even after the Heer declared the battle over.

By June 26, both of the Northwestern Front’s counter-strokes had failed. The northern sector of the front was shattered, and Army Group North was taking full advantage of the situation. The Red Army retreated in complete disorder. Any division that had not been broken or surrounded in the first days was rendered combat ineffective due to exhaustion. Kuznetsov received orders from the Stavka in Moscow to continue counterattacking and to drive northwest from Kaunas to cut off the advancing Panzers. This was impossible, especially since Kaunas had fallen on the 24th, where the Soviet 11th Army struggled to hold the line against the assault by the 2nd Infantry Corps. To address the situation, the other tank division of the 3rd Mechanized Corps was sent to the front around Kaunas in an attempt to repair the holes in the lines. This approach was fundamentally flawed, as had already been demonstrated in the north by the 12th Mechanized Corps. Piecemeal assaults by isolated tanks proved ineffective in making meaningful progress against the German army. Nonetheless, the division was deployed to the front, where they were promptly overrun and forced to retreat toward Vilnius. This retreat opened a dangerous gap in the front, cleaving the Northwestern Front in two as Manstein advanced and the other elements of Army Group North continued their relentless pursuit.

Kaunas had been taken so easily because of a local uprising. In June 1940, the Lithuanian government submitted to a Soviet ultimatum, leading to Lithuania's occupation, transformation into the Lithuanian SSR, and incorporation into the Soviet Union. The Soviets began implementing various Sovietization policies, including the nationalization of private property and mass arrests of political activists and others deemed "enemies of the people." These arrests targeted many prominent politicians, such as Aleksandras Stulginskis, Juozas Urbšys, Leonas Bistras, Antanas Merkys, Pranas Dovydaitis, Petras Klimas, government officials, military officers, and members of the Lithuanian Riflemen's Union. The Lithuanian Army was reorganized as the 29th Rifle Corps of the Red Army. Additionally, all non-communist cultural, religious, and political organizations were closed. The economic situation steadily worsened, and the standard of living declined. A year later, just a week before the uprising, approximately 17,000 Lithuanians, mainly from the intelligentsia were deported to Siberia with their families, where many perished due to inhumane living conditions. This deportation became the most significant precipitating event that incited popular support for the uprising and fostered a positive predisposition toward the German invasion. Those who escaped the deportations or arrests spontaneously organized into armed groups hidden in the forests, awaiting a broader uprising.

The Lithuanian Activist Front  or “LAF”, formed in the fall of 1940, seeking to re-establish Lithuanian independence. Founded by Kazys Škirpa in Berlin, the LAF sought to unify the Lithuanian resistance, organizing and conserving resources for the planned uprising against the Soviets. It acted as an umbrella organization, with many groups adopting the LAF name even if they were not directly connected to the LAF in Berlin. The LAF established its military-political headquarters in Vilnius and its organizational headquarters in Kaunas. However, communication and coordination between the centers in Berlin, Kaunas, and Vilnius were poor. The Vilnius headquarters suffered significantly from Soviet arrests, especially in early June 1941, and became largely defunct. Many arrested activists were executed in December 1941 in the Soviet Union.

In March 1941, the LAF in Berlin published a memorandum titled “Dear Enslaved Brothers”, providing instructions for preparing for the impending war between Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union. Insurgents were instructed to secure strategic locations such as prisons, railroads, bridges, communication hubs, and factories, protecting them against potential sabotage by the retreating Red Army. Meanwhile, the Central Headquarters was to organize a provisional government and declare independence. In April, a list of provisional government members was compiled, reserving the prime minister's post for Škirpa, with four ministers from Vilnius, six from Kaunas, and one from Berlin. The members were to represent a wide spectrum of pre-war political parties and claimed to represent the majority of the Lithuanian people. However, some have suggested that not all designated ministers were aware of their proposed appointments to the provisional government. On June 14, Nazi authorities in Berlin insisted that Škirpa and his activists refrain from forming any government or making public declarations without their prior approval. Škirpa agreed to this but had little control over the activists in Lithuania itself.

The uprising began in the early morning of the 22nd coinciding with the first day of the war. The LAF concentrated its main forces in Kaunas.  The LAF decided that its primary goal was not to engage the Soviets directly but to secure the city and declare independence. By the evening of the 22nd, the Lithuanians had taken control of the Presidential Palace, post office, telephone and telegraph stations, and radio stations. Control of the telephone systems allowed them to disconnect all known communist numbers, enabling communication without the need for passwords or codes. The Soviets had sabotaged the radio station, and repairs were done overnight from June 22 to 23, with medical students delivering spare parts in an ambulance. Despite concerns that not enough Lithuanian forces were guarding the radio tower, on the morning of June 23, Leonas Prapuolenis announced the declaration of Lithuanian independence and the list of members of the provisional government. The broadcast was repeated several times in Lithuanian, German, and French. On the morning of June 23, insurgents raided Soviet armories in Šančiai, Panemunė, and Vilijampolė. Now armed, the Lithuanians spread throughout the city, with special attention given to the Vilijampolė Bridge across the Neris River, as they expected the Germans to enter the city via this route. However, when the Lithuanians arrived, they found the bridge wired with explosives. Forty Soviet troops and three armored vehicles guarded the bridge, waiting for the right moment to detonate it. 

The retreating Soviets prematurely destroyed the bridges over the Nemunas River, forcing Red Army units in Suvalkija to bypass Kaunas, which likely saved the insurgents in that city. The Metalas factory became the headquarters for insurgents in Šančiai, who attempted to prevent Soviet soldiers from crossing the Neman River by boat or from constructing a pontoon bridge. In this fighting, about 100 insurgents were killed, and 100 Soviets were taken prisoner, along with a large cache of equipment, including three tanks that no one knew how to operate. Other groups secured police stations, shops, and warehouses, and attempted to re-establish order in the city. The insurgents hastily organized their own police and freed approximately 2,000 political prisoners. Colonel Piotr Ivanov, commander of the Red Army's 188th Rifle Division, reported to the 11th Army staff that during the retreat of his division through Kaunas, "local counterrevolutionaries from the shelters purposefully and severely fired upon the Red Army, causing heavy losses of soldiers and military equipment."

By June 24, 1941, the Red Army's tank units in Jonava were ordered to retake Kaunas. The insurgents radioed the Germans for assistance, and the Luftwaffe bombed the tank units, preventing them from reaching the city. This marked the first coordinated action between Lithuanian and German forces. Lieutenant Flohret and four privates, the first German scouts to enter Kaunas on June 24, found the city in friendly hands. The next day, the main German forces marched into the city without impediment, almost in a parade. On June 26, the German military command ordered the disbandment and disarmament of the rebel groups. Two days later, Lithuanian guards and patrols were relieved of their duties. 

After defeating the simultaneous attacks at Raseiniai and Tytuvenai, Reinhardt’s Corps pushed past the flank of the retreating 8th Army and positioned itself alongside the 56th Panzer Corps. They reached the Dvina River at Jekabpils, approximately ninety kilometers north of Daugavpils. It is unclear exactly when they arrived in force, but it was on or before June 30. Army Group North’s orders to halt at the Dvina also applied to Reinhardt’s Panzers. The Panzer commanders fiercely protested this frustrating halt, but Field Marshal Reinhardt stood his ground. He believed that the strategic situation was not as clear-cut as he desired and felt that his lengthening right flank was a vulnerability that needed to be addressed. After all, the Soviet forces in the area had not been encircled; they had merely retreated, still posing a threat from Vilnius, even in their weakened state. Busch’s 16th Army was still engaged in combat and making its way to the Dvina, facing the longest and most arduous route of Army Group North, which was evident in their slow advance. In contrast, the 18th Army was advancing rapidly through Latvia and was only a few kilometers from Riga.

The Soviet situation was grim. The Northwestern Front was now divided into two unequal halves, with few prepared defenses available for the remaining forces. The tank divisions had been decimated, and the logistics of the armies had been ravaged by the Luftwaffe and the rapidly changing character of the front lines. Kuznetsov faced serious pressure from Stavka to repair the situation. Partially due to their poor understanding of the conditions on the ground, they continued to order massive counter-attacks that were impossible to execute. They were unaware that some of the units they were ordering had ceased to exist. The first week of the war had started with disaster, and the situation did not improve. Despite many examples of personal bravery, determined resistance, and the battle-tested capabilities of the Red Army’s superior tanks, the Northwestern Front had been pushed back from its prepared defenses, was in open retreat, and was unable to maintain a coherent line of defense. Einsatzgruppen men marched into Kaunas alongside the German Army on June 24. Almost immediately, a pogrom was initiated by the Einsatzgruppen. Most of the killings in the first days were carried out by locals who were sanctioned by the Nazis. The organized murder began within days of the occupation and would not cease for years.

Starting on June 25, Nazi-organized units attacked Jewish civilians in Slobodka, Vilijampolė, a Jewish suburb of Kaunas that was home to the world-famous Slabodka yeshiva. According to Rabbi Ephraim Oshry, while Germans were present on the bridge to Slobodka, it was Lithuanian volunteers who perpetrated the murders of the Jews. The rabbi of Slobodka, Rav Zalman Osovsky, was bound to a chair; "his head was laid upon an open volume of gemora a volume of the Talmud, and they sawed his head off." Following this, both his wife and son were also murdered. His head was displayed in a window of their residence, bearing a sign that read: "This is what we'll do to all the Jews." As of June 28, 1941, Nazi official Walter Stahlecker reported that 3,800 people had been killed in Kaunas and a further 1,200 in surrounding towns. Karl Jaeger, the Nazi commander of the mobile killing squad Einsatzkommando 3, wrote on December 1, 1941, that Nazis and Lithuanian partisans had killed 7,800 Jews in Kovno between June 24 and July 6, 1941. Jaeger recorded that 4,000 of those killed were victims of Lithuanian partisans alone.

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The Wehrmacht, driven by Nazi ideology, achieved early victories but soon faced fierce resistance and logistical challenges in harsh terrain. As optimism waned, the Soviet army began mounting counterattacks, demonstrating surprising resilience. Amid global tensions, Finland leveraged the chaos, seizing control in Kaunas alongside advancing German troops. However, the brutality escalated with atrocities against Jews, marking the grim realities of war.